The conclusion of this discussion must be that in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe what is called the bureaucracy does not form a new ruling class and that there is not to be found in these countries a new form of exploiting society. Apartment blocks were built in major Estonian cities for employees of the various authorities and enterprises, but also for members of artistic associations and scientists. The brutal treatment of Hong Kong protests shows the Communist Party is gripped by fear of a Soviet-style loss of ideological control. Yuri Slezkine’s portrait of the Soviet elite under Stalin is an eccentric masterwork. Many of the names of prominent House residents will be familiar to students of the Russian Revolution: Nikita Khrushchev, future leader of the Communist Party after Stalin; Aleksandr Voronsky, oppositionist and editor of the literary journal Red Virgin Soil; Valerian Osinsky, leader of the Democratic Centralist opposition; Maria Shaburova, head of the Women’s Section and editor of Rabotnitsa (Female worker); Karl Radek, Executive Committee of the Comintern, Left and United Oppositionist; Nikolai Podvoisky, chairman of the Military Revolutionary Committee who commanded the storming of the Winter Palace in 1917; Ivar Smilga, Revolutionary Commissar on the Western Front, Left and United Oppositionist. In fact Stalin was a staunch advocate of NEP: as Michal Reiman has argued, it was only during the deep crisis of late NEP that a ruling social stratum “separated from the people and hostilely disposed toward it” came together to implement “extremist solutions” to the economic logjam. It was like the desk of . "Research completed May 1989." . Slezkine’s clumsy attempt to project Stalinism as the most logical continuation of 1917 is hardly new. Upper party and government echelons and the chosen few from the creative intelligentsia were awarded free holiday vouchers for staying in the resorts designed respectively for the party and government apparatchiks and members of artistic associations. He used to follow that beam around with his book and read.” He escaped from Trenton Prison after a year, returning with her to Russia. Many employees of the Council of Ministers Administrative Department could enjoy the „unofficial” privileges, for this was the body in charge of providing goods for special shops only designed for the nomenklatura, as well as assigning plots for summer cottages and handing out holiday-related benefits to them. $45.50. After Fedor died in a hunting accident, Roza moved into the House of Government and her “large, close, upwardly mobile Jewish family” provided Lyova “along with teachers and friends, a vital link between Apt. Yuri Slezkine’s The House of Government is certainly one of the most ambitious works on Soviet history to have appeared in many years. There were also different pension schemes. Revolution and Counterrevolution: Class Struggle in a Moscow Metal Factory, When Soviet Women Won the Right to Abortion (For the Second Time), Mike Davis on the Crimes of Socialism and Capitalism. Also available in digital form. All the Bolsheviks expected it as part of the Revolution, and no one could possibly object to it in principle.” Slezkine does not explain why October was so violent in Moscow, yet almost bloodless in Petrograd, or why, as he observes, “the intensity of violence subsided” during the 1920s. In his cell, according to Roza, “there was one narrow beam of sunlight coming down from above. Ultimately Tania’s roommate in Kolyma betrayed her for being an “unreformed Trotskyite,” and she was executed for “maintaining regular contact with convicted Trotskyites.” Poloz was also executed; one of the charges was “maintaining correspondence with his wife, a Trotskyite.” Rada would later work as a nurse during the War, but was arrested during the 1949 siege against “family members of the traitors to the motherland.”, Meanwhile, those in charge of the struggle against wreckers sometimes had their sanity questioned. The brutal treatment of Hong Kong protests shows the Communist Party is gripped by fear of a Soviet-style loss of ideological control. A quick perusal of the copious endnotes from seventeen archives reveals Slezkine’s solution to his challenge: the work represents the spectacular culmination of some twenty years of research, including dozens of lengthy interviews with surviving House residents that he conducted in the late 1990s. A sprawling, eccentric book with clear literary aspirations, it tells the story of the Soviet communist elite and its fate under Stalin, through the prism of the vast apartment complex on Moscow’s […]. CoCom--Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls) Formed by Western governments in 1949 to prevent the transfer of military-related technology from the West to the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Parsing out such disputes may help reinforce the image of party uniformity, but it is a sloppy and irresponsible approach to history. 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